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Malalai of Maiwand or Malala is an Afghan national hero, also known as "The Afghan Jeanne d'Arc". Information about her is scarce, and according to one of the sources:
She was a native of Khig, a tiny village on the edge of the Maiwand battlefield, and the daughter of a shepard. Both her father and fiancé joined with Ayub's army in the attack on the British on July 27th 1880 (which some say was also her wedding day), and like many women, Malalai was there to help tend to the wounded and provide water and spare weapons. Eventually there came a point in the battle where the Afghan army, despite their superior numbers, started to lose morale and the tide seemed to be turning in favour of the British. Seeing this, Malalai took off her veil and shouted out:

"Young love! If you do not fall in the battle of Maiwand,
By God, someone is saving you as a symbol of shame!"


This gave many of the Afghan fighters and ghazis a new resolve and they redoubled their efforts. At that moment one of the leading flag-bearers fell from a British bullet, and Malalai went forward and held up the flag (some versions say she made a flag out of her veil), singing a landai:

"With a drop of my sweetheart's blood,
Shed in defense of the Motherland,
Will I put a beauty spot on my forehead,
Such as would put to shame the rose in the garden,"


But then Malalai was herself struck down and killed. However, her words had spurred on her countrymen and soon the British lines gave way, broke and turned, leading to a disastrous retreat back to Kandahar and the biggest defeat for the Anglo-Indian army in the Second Afghan War. Ayub Khan afterwards gave a special honour to Malalai and she was buried at her village, where her grave can still be found. ©
Wikipedia adds that it is unclear whether she really existed or the legend about her was created 40-60 years after the Battle of Maiwand. But since Watson is a fictional character, anything is possible in his 'verse. So, did he witness Malala's heroic deed and death? Did it change his view of the British presence in Afghanistan despite the atrocities of the ghazis towards the British soldiers on the battlefield? Or maybe he just heard of her? Or, alternatively, he never heard of her until 40 years later and considers it just a myth? Any thoughts?
 
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What does Law!Watson have in common with Czar Nicholas II and Prince Harry?



While I was reading up on the British army uniforms, this accidentally caught my eye. Prince Harry wore at his wedding the uniform of the Blues and Royals which is very similar to the uniform of the Royal Scots Dragoon Guards Czar Nicholas wore in Balmoral while visiting Queen Victoria. Nicholas II was appointed the first colonel-in-chief of the 2nd Dragoons (the Royal Scots Greys) in 1894. This appointment occurred during the wedding celebrations of the Czar to Princess Alix of Hesse, a granddaughter of Queen Victoria. So the wedding theme is present in all three cases.

But Watson was not one of the Blues and Royals. Neither did he serve with the Royal Scots Greys. Turns out that the Northumberland (Hussars) Yeomanry also wore something of the kind:



Well, Watson was not a Hussar, but he was briefly attached to the 5th Northumberland Fusiliers before being transferred to the Berkshires. The 5th Northumberland Fusiliers had quite a different uniform, but I guess it's the word Northumberland that counts? ;)
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Instead of adulting I spent the day trying to make sense of the convoluted medical system in the British army at the time Watson served in Afghanistan. Glad to say that I think I did and now more or less I am sure what uniform Watson possessed as a memento from the army. It’s going to be a long post with a lot of text, references, and pictures, so everyone interested is welcome under cut.

Read more... )
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I found an interesting article which compares Watson’s military background with actual facts about the Fifth Northumberland Fusiliers and the Berkshires. As we remember, Watson introduces himself this way:

“In the year 1878 I took my degree of Doctor of Medicine of the University of London, and proceeded to Netley to go through the course prescribed for surgeons in the army. Having completed my studies there, I was duly attached to the Fifth Northumberland Fusiliers as Assistant Surgeon. The regiment was stationed in India at the time, and before I could join it, the second Afghan war had broken out. On landing at Bombay, I learned that my corps had advanced through the passes, and was already deep in the enemy's country. I followed, however, with many other officers who were in the same situation as myself, and succeeded in reaching Candahar in safety, where I found my regiment, and at once entered upon my new duties. [...] I was removed from my brigade and attached to the Berkshires, with whom I served at the fatal battle of Maiwand.”

So according to STUD, he served mostly in Afghanistan. However, RESI gives another picture:

“For myself, my term of service in India had trained me to stand heat better than cold, and a thermometer of 90 was no hardship.”

This quote implies that he served in India for some time which was enough for him to get used to its climate. Here’s what is said in the article upon the matter:

Watson would not have joined the 5th Fusiliers at Kandahar because that regiment was never stationed there. They were part of the Peshawar Valley Field Force and were employed in the Khyber Pass, the Bazar Valley, Landi Kotal and Jalalabad - all in the northern territories. It is more feasable for him to have joined up with the 66th (Berkshire) Regiment while at Bombay, though, staying with them, he would not have made it into Afghanistan until over a year later as they marched into the southern city of Kandahar early in 1880."

Of course, ACD is famous for the lack of consistency in his narratives, but what if we play the game and try to find another explanation for Watson's being an unreliable narrator?

He graduated in 1878. The prep course at Netley lasted for four months, which means that in late 1878 or early 1879 he embarked on his journey to India. Maybe, being attached to the Fusiliers, he did join them, although not in Kandahar, but say, in Jalalabad? Perhaps there was some conflict there. Knowing Watson's amiability and integrity, he must have had a good reason for it. After a very short time in Jalalabad, he was removed from his brigade, attached to the Berkshires and transferred back to Bombay. There he served for about a year and then marched with his regiment to Kandahar. When he was writing STUD, he was yet inexperienced in mystifications. He omitted the reason why he was reassigned, and hence inconsistencies in his narrative. Perhaps the fellow Fusiliers knew that reason very well, but an outsider would question the authenticity of Watson's tale. The reason itself could make a nice fic.
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In the year 1878 I took my degree of Doctor of Medicine of the University of London, and proceeded to Netley to go through the course prescribed for surgeons in the army. (STUD)

Here are excerpts from Holmes and Watson by June Thomson. They give insights into Watson’s army days and contribute to building headcanons. I find dates especially helpful. For convenience, I compress the data given there for future reference:
At the end of his year’s service as house surgeon [at Bart’s], Watson was faced with a crucial decision about his future career: what should he do next? In order to set up in private practice, he needed capital which he did not possess.

He could remain in hospital service although this had its own disadvantages. Hospitals then employed only four consulting surgeons and, as a consequence, promotion was slow. Watson might have to wait until he was in his forties before a senior post became vacant.

To a medical man, a military career offered several advantages. An army assistant surgeon earned £200 a year, with his keep and living quarters provided. After ten years’ service, he could retire on half pay with enough money saved to set himself up in private practice.

Watson’s prep studies for the army:

The Army Medical School at Netley in Hampshire, later called the Royal Army Medical School, was first established at Fort Pitt, Chatham, in 1860 and was moved to Netley three years later when the military hospital, the Royal Victoria, was opened. One of the wards was converted into a classroom while laboratories as well as quarters and mess facilities for the students were housed in separate buildings behind the main hospital block.


(picture source 1 and 2)
Read more... )
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Thanks everyone who recommended books about WWI a while ago. It turned out that it’s not easy to get some of them in the part of the world where I live, but I did manage to lay my hands on a few. 
 
Doctors in the Great War by Ian R. Whitehead was an interesting read. It’s well-researched if a bit dry, and it helps to understand how the medical service was organised on the Western Front. 
 
The most insightful part for me was the chapter with an overview of the British army medical service before WWI. It gives context to Watson’s experiences during his service in Afghanistan. In many ways it was an eye-opener.
 
The Royal Army Medical Corps (RAMC) did not exist before 1898. It means that medics in the army did not have any real authority and were not considered to be equals with the combatants. Hence the appalling situation of poor sanitary conditions and ineffective medical care which Florence Nightingale worked to improve during the Crimean War (1853-1856).
 
The lack of authority conferred on Medical Officers was an expression of prejudice against them which was spread in military circles. They were not regarded as fellow officers, but merely as ‘camp followers’; some regiments did not allow the Medical Officers to dine with other officers in the mess, whilst the Medical Officer, no matter how long he had served, was always subordinate to the most junior subaltern. In addition to social ostracism, the medical man often faced discrimination with regard to pay and distribution of honours. [...]
 
The lowly status of the Medical Officer was damaging in two respects. On the one hand, his lack of authority added to the inefficiency of the medical arrangements hampered any attempts he might make to improve the lot of the sick and wounded. On the other hand, it undermined the morale within the service, and further discouraged young medical men from joining the service which was considered by the profession at large to have been passed over by the improvements in medical knowledge and practice.
 
Things improved a bit by the time Watson served. In 1878 the pay was raised, but in terms of authority there was little change. It explains how bleak Watson’s perspectives were after the university if he chose to join the army. He must have been virtually penniless, without any hope to start a practice of his own and most likely had no other opportunities. In comparison, ACD worked as a ship’s surgeon and later scraped just marginally enough money with the help of his mother and sisters to practice in Southsea. 
 
A belief remained amongst combatant officers that the health of the men was beneath their interest. This insured that the necessity for good hygiene and sanitation continued to be ignored by the Army. [...]
 
The attitude of the Army that nothing could be done to prevent men from drinking contaminated water if they were thirsty, and the ignorance of the men on matters of hygiene clearly demonstrated the folly of not paying heed to the advice of the medical profession. [...]
 
The lack of authority vested in Medical Officers prevented them from making sanitary improvements, and their low status ensured that little notice was taken of their views.
 
As a result, typhoid and other contagious diseases caused by poor sanitation were rampant. It sheds some light as to why Watson was ‘struck down by enteric fever, that curse of our Indian possessions’.
 
With formation of RAMC and further acknowledgement of importance of medical care, the picture was quite different when Watson re-enlisted to serve during WWI. At last the medical men were regarded with due respect.
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The human perspective is one of the best ways to learn history, and this stunning documentary by Peter Jackson is a must-see! The film was created from the original WWI footage, colorised, digitally restored, and with voice over by the WWI veterans themselves. Jackson, whose grandfather served during WWI, intended the film to be an immersive experience, and that’s what it most definitely is.

Through the fragments of interviews woven into a unified narration, the Great War ceases to be something distant, far removed in time. It is possible to sense it as a part of lives of those whose voices tell the story, and much becomes clearer.

Read more... )


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I’d like to expand my knowledge on WWI which is quite rusty, to be honest. The last time I studied anything about it properly was at school, and that was about 15 years ago. Until I read Arthur Conan Doyle: A Life in Letters, it was but a historical event for me as the history program at my school wasn’t particularly strong. It was something from the textbooks, and that was all. The letters made me realise how tragic it was. They gave the sense of “immediate presence” and the taste of how it affected one particular family. So now I’d like to know more.
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Help! The brand of Watson’s firearm was mentioned in the canon, but I can’t find it. It was mentioned in someone’s fic, and I remember checking it. I thought at the time that it was Webley, but it turned out to be something else. Now I can’t remember the exact wording, and searching the entire canon doesn’t help. So frustrating.

UPD: Thank you [personal profile] scfrankles for finding the exact quote: “An Eley's No. 2 is an excellent argument with gentlemen who can twist steel pokers into knots..." (SPEC)

A quick research returned the following:
In any case the revolver Holmes asks Watson to slip into his pocket is not Watson's old service revolver. It is not exactly "an Eley's No. 2 either. The gun is actualy a Webley's No. 2, .320 bore, a small, heavy, but relatively effective weapon; the smallest really practable weapon of it's time. The cartridges for it were the Eley part (which was often printed on the barrel to differentiate it from the Smith and Wesson .32). Holmes and Watson both knew this of course, that is in fact why Holmes used the sort of shorthand expression- because they were both more than well enough versed in guns to know exactly what Holmes was talking about. (source)

See also: John Hamish Watson, MD or The Mystery of the Carried Gun
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Found this in an article called Forgotten Voices of Empire: The Battle of Maiwand 27th July 1880 Part 1:

A medical officer who was present describes the the battle and the retreat to Kandahar.
Candahar (sic) August 21

On the morning of the fight we made a march of seven miles to Maiwand for the sole purpose of attacking a force of 1000 Ghaisais (Afghan fanatics), who were said to have occupied the place; but when we got within two miles of Maiwand we came across the whole force of Ayoob Khan _ I suppose between 15,000 and 20,000 troops, with 30 guns, occupying a very strong position.

Our force was a little over 3,000 strong, with six guns of the Royal Horse Artillery and four guns we had taken from the mutinous army of Shere Ali at Giriakh. The order was given to attack at once. The battle commenced about 11am and there was hard fighting up to about three pm, when our two native infantry regiments broke. This caused the retirement of the 66th, who I hear, fought splendidly.

In the opinion of everyone all might yet have been well had the cavalry charged, but they refused to obey orders. They did not cover our retreat or protect the guns at all. The cavalry loss was very very small compared with the losses of all the other regiments and there is a very bitter feeling against them as they might have done so much to save the force. Read more... )
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